Finally, women got the right to vote.

Canada's most controversial franchise legislation was adopted by during the . The and the Military Voters Act of 1917 enfranchised female relatives of men serving with the Canadian or British armed forces as well as all servicemen (including those under 21 and ); it disenfranchised conscientious objectors and British subjects naturalized after 1902 who were born in an enemy country or who habitually spoke an enemy language. 's Conservative government openly admitted that the legislation was biased in its favour. The results proved that they were right. Such abuses and shifts in the policies governing the right to vote ended in 1920 with the adoption of the Dominion Elections Act, which established a standard Dominion-wide franchise.

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Although occasional instances were recorded of women voting in pre- Canada until 1849, Canadian women were systematically and universally disenfranchised. Apart from the temporary and selective enfranchisement of women under the , women were first granted the right to vote federally in 1918.

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From the time that first began arriving in the 19th century and through much of the first half of the 20th century, most Canadians of Asian heritage were denied the right to vote in federal and provincial . Federally, the Electoral Franchise Act (1885) explicitly denied the right to vote; but, in 1898, new legislation extended the franchise to Asian voters. In 1920, the Dominion Elections Act said that if a province discriminated against a group by reason of , that group would also be excluded from the federal franchise, meaning that residents of Chinese, and background lost their right to vote in . ( also disenfranchised the Chinese.) With the extension of the federal franchise to in 1948, the last statutory disenfranchisement of Asian Canadians was removed.

Courtney, John C..

Prisoners' Right to Vote-Disenfranchisement as Punishment I: ..

It is commonly believed that female suffrage was desired and fought for only in England and the United States. Yet dynamic struggles for women’s basic democratic right appeared in many countries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Though these movements differed in their reasons and tactics, the fight for female suffrage, along with other women’s rights concerns, cut across many national boundaries. By exploring the following topics, this essay attempts to help rectify the narrow and unexamined view of female suffrage.

Franchise denotes the right to vote in public elections for members of Parliament, provincial legislatures and municipal councils.

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Through a process called First Nations people could give up their status and vote in as early as 1867. (A status Indian is an individual registered under the , it is a legal recognition of a person’s First Nations heritage and it affords certain rights such as the right to live on land.) The term enfranchisement was used both for those who gave up their status by choice and for the much larger number of Indigenous men and women who lost status automatically for one of several reasons by which the government attempted to eradicate status entirely. This included the loss of status upon completion of university and upon the marriage of a woman to a non-status man. First Nations men who served during the gained franchise without having to relinquish status, but could only continue to vote if they moved from their homes on reserves.

Courtney, John C..

and died to earn the right to vote.

In 1867, the definition of the franchise was left to the provinces. This meant that eligibility to vote in a federal could vary from one province to the other. All provinces, however, restricted the franchise to male British subjects who were at least 21 years old who had a property qualification. For the first 50 years after Confederation, the and parties manipulated the federal franchise in a blatantly partisan fashion. At various times up to 1920, the federal franchise was based either on the electoral lists drawn up by the provinces for provincial or on a federal list compiled by enumerators appointed by the governing party in Ottawa. Because until 1885 the vote was based on provincial law, elections were staggered, meaning they could be held on different days in different places. Voters in one constituency might already know which party was likely to form . Given the importance of in this era of Canadian politics, this created a powerful incentive to vote for the governing party.